By A.G.Abubakar
It is natural for leadership to take and, when necessary, reverse decisions in the public interest—particularly to improve service delivery and system stability. Such reversals can also project the image of a listening leadership and help court positive public opinion. However, this practice should be far between. When elevated to a pattern, it risks undermining public trust and goodwill. Too many gaffes may signal gaps in an administration’s internal control system, or create a worrisome perception of confusion, conflict of interest, or poor attention to detail among government functionaries.
Keen observers of the Tinubu administration would have noticed a growing trend of this unwholesome development since its inception on 29 May 2023. The list of policy somersaults appears to grow by the day. These reversals increasingly resemble the by-products of internal scrambles among individuals or clique-based groups within Aso Rock, seeking to promote narrow economic and political interests at the expense of national harmony and peace.
The issue of lopsided appointments in favour of the South-West, initially thought to be inadvertent, is now widely understood to be deliberate. Those who felt short-changed have since abandoned appeals for equity and reconciled themselves to the new normal. After all, the President had declared even before assuming office: “emi lo kan”—literally, “it is my turn.”
Be that as it may, the quality and thoroughness of decisions emanating from Aso Rock increasingly suggest poor attention to detail, conflicting advisory channels, or inadequate briefing. It may also be that the President is overwhelmed, or unable—perhaps for health-related reasons—to be sufficiently hands-on even on critical issues. This situation may have rendered him captive to self-serving interests or cliques. The trend became noticeable shortly after the announcement of his first batch of ministerial and related nominees.
A lady from Kano, Maryam Shetty, was nominated as a minister of the Federal Republic. Just before her screening in August 2023, the President withdrew her nomination. Many reasons may account for this, but one thing remains clear: poor consultation.
A young man from Maiduguri, believed to be the son of Kashim Imam, was appointed Chairman of the Board of the Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (FERMA) in 2023. At 23, he was an engineer yet to cut his teeth in public administration. Public outrage forced Aso Rock to reverse the decision.
The El-Rufai saga began with President Tinubu openly urging him to suspend his post-governorship academic pursuit and join his cabinet to reform the epileptic power sector, given his pedigree in BPE, as FCT Minister, and as Kaduna State Governor for eight years. El-Rufai, controversial as he may be, delivers results. He accepted the offer. Subsequently, the President—possibly under pressure from his inner circle—had a change of mind. Unable to disengage him directly, the Presidency, in concert with the National Assembly, in August 2023, resorted to a screening charade to manufacture an alibi for dropping him. This was a poor headhunting exercise, perhaps driven by impulse, on the part of a fledgling administration.
Another episode of poor judgment emerged during the 2025 state pardon exercise. The list of beneficiaries was anything but honourable, featuring hardened criminals and drug dealers. More troubling was the inclusion of Maryam Sanda, a housewife convicted of murdering her husband in 2017, and sentenced to death in 2020, after exhausting all legal appeals. It took a public outrage against her pardon before the government rescinded the pardon; suggesting a possible infiltration of the presidential prerogative of mercy process by vested interests to accommodate Maryam.
The reported sacking of Christopher Musa as Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) in October 2025, followed by his re-engagement as Defence Minister barely weeks later, speaks volumes about the quality of briefs presented to the President. Decisions of such sensitivity require intelligence and assessments that are unimpeachable. The briefs that informed the decision to retire Musa may not have been thorough that’s why he was considered suitable for re-engagement as Defence Minister, shortly after.
The flip-flop in General Musa’s case was followed by the promotion of the President’s ADC from Colonel to Brigadier-General outside established military procedures. After widespread condemnation from respected retired generals and other stakeholders, the plan was stepped down.
Another blunder was the inclusion of a deceased individual from Yobe State on the ambassadorial nominee list. Senator Adamu Talba had passed away in July 2025. This embarrassing lapse confirmed that the list was not properly reviewed before transmission to the National Assembly. Such errors should never emanate from the Presidency.
The proposed launch—and subsequent postponement—of Nigeria’s participation in the globally recognised Halal economy, valued at about $7.7 trillion, was another misstep. A Halal economy simply means ethical investment and commerce which most faiths and societies value. Nigeria’s participation was projected to add roughly $1.5 billion to GDP. Unfortunately, poor packaging, consultation, and public enlightenment by Aso Rock allowed ethno-religious prejudice to derail the initiative. Some officials clearly failed to do their homework.
The latest in the series of executive missteps is the nation’s tax law. The reform was contentious largely due to inadequate consultation in a country where tax compliance is notoriously low. Outside PAYE contributors, many citizens rely on evasion, avoidance, and manipulation—often with the connivance of tax authorities. Reforming the system is necessary, but it should not be an opportunity to insert iniquities or cut corners.
After extensive horse-trading and amendments, the tax reform bill was passed by the National Assembly. However, although the public is yet to see the clerk-certified copy, credible allegations suggest that certain interests within Aso Rock altered sections of the bill ahead of gazetting. If true, this constitutes a grave constitutional breach and a violation of the principle of separation of powers.
The alleged breaches relate to the powers of regulatory authorities, taxation thresholds, pre-appeal payment, legislative oversight, and enforcement mechanisms. Regulatory powers were reportedly expanded beyond what the Assembly approved, judicial safeguards weakened, and taxable thresholds unlawfully lowered in respect of certain corporate categories with a to expanding the tax bracket and base. Modifications were also allegedly made to the one time contentious Petroleum and VAT reform bills before becoming laws. The last is yet to be heard as the government insists nothing untoward has happened to the tax law. Whatever the intent, such actions amount to forgery and dishonesty, which the President should unequivocally condemn.
Is the President being flippant in reviewing briefs, or are the briefs poorly prepared? Are communication channels so porous that vested interests can easily insert their agenda and secure presidential approval? These are urgent questions Aso Rock must confront. There is grave danger in a system where presidential directives can be procured through unorthodox channels or lax procedural oversight.
Perhaps the Yoruba-centric tilt of governance is not entirely his idea. Perhaps the relocation of key government agencies—NPA, FAAN, CBN, BOI, among others (as many more have been allegedly pencilled down) —to Lagos was not his initiative either. Perhaps even the multi-trillion-naira coastal highway project starting from Lagos, and the afterthought Lagos–Badagry–Sokoto corridor, were imposed on him.
The benefit of doubt extended here rests on two assumptions: first, that the President understands the entire country he campaigned across is his constituency; and second, that he appreciates proportionality as a cornerstone of good governance. Going by the logic (decentralisation) that informed the relocation of some federal agencies to Lagos, the goodwill towards the President might seem misplaced. Else, the same principle should be extended to other parts of country for the sake of consistency and fairness. To that effect, agencies like the NNPC should be moved to Warri, Uyo, or Yenagoa in the Niger Delta to oversight oil operations. The NPA and NIMASA to should relocate to Calabar to service the Calabar Port effectively. Next, will be to shift the parastatals under the Livestock Ministry to either Borno or Adamawa, where the bulk of the nation’s cattle are raised. It would be absurd, and the President should know.
His handlers may lack this political sensitivity, shaped as they are by a Lagos-centric worldview. Overzealous to justify their newfound national prominence, they prioritise parochial interests—appointing friends and family even when such actions undermine equity. Whether this reflects personal ambition or a regional grand agenda, the outcome has been detrimental to national unity, cohesion, and peace.
Managing diversity is undoubtedly onerous, but visible efforts must be made to show that every interest matters. Nigerians still recognise goodwill when they see it, just as they appreciate tangible development. Leadership is not about popularity or beauty contests; it is about justice, trust, and results. As political wisdom reminds us, people do not care whether the cat is black or white—as long as it catches mice.
Trust, goodwill, and the benefit of doubt are critical ingredients of governance. They generate broad-based support for policies and programmes aimed at sustainable development and national transformation. Manipulating public trust or governing with impunity is not the hallmark of great leadership. Great leadership inspires, reassures, and leaves no one behind in the quest for nationhood.
Governance by trial and error is a dangerous luxury Nigeria cannot afford. When presidential decisions are routinely reversed, altered, or disowned, the damage goes beyond embarrassment—it erodes trust in the state itself. Power exercised without rigour, due diligence, equity, and procedural discipline invites capture by vested interests. If these gaffes persist, history will not remember them as mere mistakes, but as evidence of leadership adrift. The Presidency must restore order to its processes, or risk governing a nation that no longer believes in its authority.
It should also be stressed that Nigerians are patient people, but patience is not infinite when trust is repeatedly tested. The presidency must recognise that power loses legitimacy when it appears arbitrary or sectional. A nation as fragile and diverse as Nigeria requires steadiness, inclusiveness, and clarity of purpose. Anything less deepens fractures and diminishes the promise of governance.
Nigeria does not need a perfect leader, but it needs one who governs with balance, consultation, and respect for institutions. Trust once broken is difficult to rebuild. The time to arrest this drift is now—before governance gives way to improvisation and authority yields to doubt. For good or bad, it is only the leader that gets recorded in history. Cabals, cliques, inner circle and political jobbers hardly quality for mention. And, the great leaders are those who galvanise and marshal their entire nations to greatness. Surely, President Tinubu should be alive to this fact.
A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com
